Tag Archives: ukraine

New Book Podcast!

I was thrilled to join host and fellow academic Steven Seegel for a New Books Network podcast to talk about my new book, Beyond the Protest Square: Digital Media and Augmented Dissent. We had a wide-ranging conversation about protest dynamics, internet and social media, witnessing and memory, media and internet freedom in Ukraine and Russia, digital citizenship, and much more!

Listen here: https://newbooksnetwork.com/beyond-the-protest-square

More about the book and how to get your copy!

Stay tuned for some forthcoming book events, online or (one day) in person!

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Beyond the Protest Square: Digital Media and Augmented Dissent

Hello! It’s finally a thing: my first book, Beyond the Protest Square: Digital Media and Augmented Dissent, is now available for pre-order! I can’t wait to share it with you.  

The book examines how citizens in countries with limited media freedom and corrupt authorities perceive the affordances of digital media for protest and how these enable or limit protest action depending on the political and social context.

The book is mostly focused on the 2013-2014 protests in Ukraine, but it reflects on augmented dissent more broadly and draws connections with other more recent events, e.g. protest campaigns in Russia. 

The book is based on extensive research and fieldwork, but also builds on the work of many wonderful protest, activism and digital media scholars, such as Katy Pearce, Sarah Oates, Olga Onuch, Zeynep Tufekçi, Tetyana Bohdanova, Jennifer Earl, Rebecca MacKinnon, Andrew Chadwick, Samuel Greene and many others.

I want to especially thank the amazing scholars who I admire and whose work I was inspired by for their endorsements of the book: Sarah Oates, Ethan Zuckerman, Olga Onuch, and Samuel Greene.

I am incredibly grateful to Laura Portwood-Stacer of Manuscript Works for helping me develop and improve my early drafts, to series editors Ruth Sanz Sabido and Stuart Price, and to my publisher Rowman & Littlefield International for pulling through despite the difficult year that 2020 has been. 

Kudos to Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland, the Trajectories of Change Programme at  ZEIT-Stiftung Ebelin und Gerd Bucerius, and the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at Dublin City University whose funding enabled my research and helped make the book a reality. And to DCU School of Communications colleagues for multiple coffees and their support at the finish line! 

 Stay tuned for some forthcoming book events, online or (one day) in person!

Pre-order through IndieBound

Pre-order from Rowman & Littlefield International

Pre-order on Amazon.com

Pre-order on Amazon.co.uk and Kindle

See preview on Google Books

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Ukraine’s Euromaidan, Urban Murals and Instagram’s Networked Publics

Image edited from Geo Leros’ photo. Original photograph: http://kyivmural.com/en/mural/113.

If you’re into urban media, street art and protests, read my new article, ‘Urban Murals and the Post-Protest Imagery of Networked Publics: The Remediated Aftermath of Ukraine’s Euromaidan on Instagram’, out now in WiderScreen journal.

In modern hyper-mediated urban environments, public art becomes an inseparable part of the multiplicity of meanings generated by citizens with regards to their city, their country and each other. What meanings can public art convey after a protest in a mediated city? And how do social media users capture and reflect on these visual artefacts? This article focuses on the urban murals that appeared in Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital in the post-Euromaidan period (spring 2014 – present day). The creation of murals began as a spontaneous urban practice, but post-protest, morphed into a concerted effort to populate blank walls of decaying apartment blocks around cities with meaningful art, reflecting on the turbulent political, social and cultural changes in the country. The article considers how this mediated public art form resonates with the networked post-protest publics through the affordances of Instagram and explores the different kinds of meanings networked publics in and around the post-protest city can produce. It focuses on how the mediation of the murals on Instagram might reflect or frame the meanings embedded in the murals themselves and how these themes might fit into the broader metaphorical narrative of rebirth and regeneration in the post-Euromaidan city of Kyiv.

While you’re at it, read the whole special issue of WiderScreen on ‘City Imaginings and Urban Everyday Life’, it’s pretty great.

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New article in Information, Communication & Society

I’ve got a new article out in the AoIR 2017 special issue of Information, Communication & Society.

My article, #IAmNotAfraidToSayIt: stories of sexual violence as everyday political speech on Facebook, focuses on how affective networked publics on Facebook can support feminist activism through the medium of narratives about bodies and gendered power dynamics (if you’d like a free eprint, use this link – I’ll also upload an Accepted draft version to this website soon).

The special issue, titled Networked (in)justice and edited by Alison Harvey and Koen Leurs, features some of research presented at the AoIR 2017 Networked Publics conference in Tartu, Estonia. As the editors say,

This special issue is pleased to share the emphasis on the diverging and contradictory consequences of the formation of networked publics. We have chosen to focus in particular on studies of publics that scrutinize how they may exacerbate injustices or work towards social justice.

We propose a focus on networked (in)justice drawing attention to:

How mainstream scholarly conceptualizations of publics and platforms prioritize some networked publics and marginalize others

How networked publics are shaped as an assemblage of hardware, design, algorithms, discourse, bodies, collectives, and affect

How networked publics reflect and shape intersecting power relations of geography, gender, race, and sexuality, among others

How networked publics are distinctively local, but simultaneously shaped by transnational and global dynamics.

The special issue in its entirety is available here.

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New article on public networked discourses in the Ukraine-Russia conflict

My new article ‘Public Networked Discourses in the Ukraine-Russia Conflict: ‘Patriotic Hackers’ and Digital Populism’ for Irish Studies in International Affairs has been published online and is now available on JSTOR. This article is based on a paper I presented at the annual conference of the International Affairs Standing Committee of the Royal Irish Academy, titled ‘Retreat from Globalisation? Brexit, Trump and the New Populism’, which took place at the Royal Irish Academy in Dublin on 31 May 2017.

The study explores the self-presentation and online discursive practices of grassroots hacker collectives on both sides of the Ukraine-Russia conflict within a larger geopolitical climate of a contested globalisation agenda and a growing fear of cyber warfare. Both pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian hacker groups engage in DDoS attacks, malware distribution and leaking stolen information from the opposing side. They also use social media to enter the broader political discourse around the conflict. The article analyses the Twitter posts of both collectives to reveal key modes of online practices and key discursive themes in the context of the conflict, such as political activism, information warfare, hacker ethics and patriotism. The study elucidates how these groups use their social media presence to construct a ‘patriotic hacker’ identity for themselves, to delegitimise their opponents and ultimately, to connect to the broader populist discourse, where issues of patriotism, sovereignty and nationhood are contested.

Read the whole article here.

 

 

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BBC Radio 4 Doc on Protests

I recently contributed to Long Road to Change, a great BBC Radio 4 documentary on the history of protests questioning the role of technology and other factors in how dissent might bring about change. Check out the whole piece, featuring many thoughtful voices, on the BBC website here.

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PhD Defense News

im-ukrainian-and-i-cant-keep-calm-9.jpgI am happy to report that on May 13, 2016, I had my doctoral dissertation defense (or what the British call viva), and that the committee found my research to be worthy. My dissertation was titled “Augmented Dissent: The Affordances of ICTs for Citizen Protest (A Case Study of the Ukraine Euromaidan Protests of 2013-2014)” and was based on interviews with Euromaidan protesters in Ukraine and beyond, as well as analysis of social media content posted by protest communities during the Euromaidan.

The defense was intense, but I got a ton of useful questions and comments, and already have new ideas pinging in my brain about where to take this research next. I am thankful to my committee members: Kalyani Chadha, Nick Diakopoulos, Sahar Khamis, and Linda Steiner, and to my wonderful advisor and mentor, Sarah Oates.

Read the abstract for my dissertation here.

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Two Recent Stories on Ukraine: YanukovychLeaks and Fact-Checking Crimea

Linking to two recent stories I did for Global Voices on the developments in Ukraine:

Ukrainian Journalists Take Regime’s Corruption Public With YanukovychLeaks: Journalists deep dive for drowned documents left behind by ousted President Yanukovych at his lavish estate, and create a public online database of regime corruption.

Ukraine’s Activists Debunk Russian Myths on Crimea: As tensions escalate with Ukraine accusing Russia of invading its autonomous southern region Crimea, Ukrainian activists are busy debunking false news in Russian media by sifting fact from propaganda online.

Follow more Global Voices coverage of Ukraine, Russia and Euromaidan protests.

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Draconian Laws Passed by Ukraine’s Parliament Limit Freedom of Speech and Expression

This morning the Ukrainian Parliament spent about 20 minutes violently voting for a set of new measures which are aimed at limiting freedom of speech and expression in Ukraine, throttling the peaceful protests, introducing new means of control over the independent media, the internet, the civic organisations and NGOs and cracking down on Euromaidan in any way possible. The main law #3879 (Full text here in Ukrainian, comparative table of changes here, also in Ukrainian) was introduced by Vadym Kolesnichenko and Volodymyr Oliynyk, members of the Party of Regions faction, and adopted by the Verkhovna Rada on Jan. 16. The main provisions of the law are very well recapped in this post by the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group (in English).

The Facebook group Euromaidan SOS, which unites activists posting about the latest developments of Euromaidan and offering legal advice to protesters, summarised some of the new punishments that come with the laws:

Meet the innovations whose adoption the bandits today in parliament ( all readings once a show of hands and naming “the number” of votes cast ):

1. Driving in an organized group of more than 5 cars – confiscation of your car and drivers license for 2 YEARS (!!!)
2. If an information agency doesn’t have a special license from the government – all of their servers , computers and information will be confiscated and they will have to pay a big fine
3. Disturbing peaceful meetings – up to 10 days in jail
4. Taking part in peaceful protests while wearing a hard hat, any uniform or carrying fire – up to 10 days in jail
5. Setting up tents, a stage, or even a sound system (!) without the permission of the police – up to 15 days in jail
7. Not obeying with the request/order to limit access to the internet – fine of 6800 UAH (a little bit over 800$)
8. Not obeying the “lawful orders” of SBU (Ukrainian Security Department) – a fine of up to 2000UAH (around 250$)
9. The protocol of administrative law infringement doesn’t have to be presented to the person accused anymore (a testimony from “witnesses” is enough)
10. The confirmation that you have been “served” with court papers now is not only your signature, but “other data of any kind” (!)
11. Blocking the access to someone’s residence (a brand spanking new law) – 6 YEARS in jail (!!!)
12. Slander (Has been returned to the Criminal Code!!!!) – 2 YEARS in jail
13. Distribution of extremist materials (!!!!) – 3 years in jail
14. “Group disturbance of peace” – 2 years
15. Mass Disruptions/protests – 10 and even 15 YEARS IN JAIL (!) – ANY and ALL participants of the protests on Maidan can be sent to jail via this law!!!
16. Collecting information about “Berkut” police special forces employees, judges and other similar government workers – 3 years in jail
17. Threatening a policeman and other similar government workers – 7 YEARS in jail
18. Collecting information about judges – 2 years in jail
19. NGO (non-government organizations) that receive money from abroad, are now considered “foreign agents”, and will have to pay taxes on their “revenues” and will officially be called/known as “foreign agents”.
20. NGO cannot take part in “extremist activities”
21. Churches cannot take part in “extremist activities”
22. The “government” can decide to PROHIBIT ACCESS TO THE INTERNET
23. A civil organization is considered to be one that: takes part in political activities, and if that said organization wants to influence the decisions that the “government” makes – it needs to first ask the “government” for permission to function and the permission to be financed.
24. A person can be persecuted and ruled guilty or not guilty (including sending someone to prison for many many years) without the presence of the person being persecuted in court.
25. From now on, for traffic offences, instead of the person who was actually driving and who violated the rules, the owner of the vehicle can be prosecuted if the violation was registered by automatic means.
26. A national deputy (Member of Parliament) can be stripped of immunity from legal persecution and be arrested without an assessment by a specialized committee – immediately, during a parliamentary session.
27. “Berkut” police special forces and government employees that have acted with criminal intent towards Maidan activists, are freed from persecution for their crimes (!!!!!)

So, a quick recap: more control over the internet and independent media, virtually complete abolition of any kind of peaceful protest observed during Euromaidan, criminalising libel, SIM-cards can only be bought with a passport, default judgement in courts, increased surveillance, labelling NGOs as foreign agents and more. To say this is a step back is to say nothing. This vote has nothing to do with European values, democratic development or any kind of progress towards a peaceful resolution of the current stalemate.

Hope to write more on this and other laws, as we wait with bated breath to see if President Yanukovych actually signs the proposed laws into being – his signature and the signature of the Speaker of Parliament are the last things required for the laws to come into force.

UPDATE: The President has signed all of the laws, including the 3879 one. Ukrainians’ reaction online so far is mostly wondering what country we’re turning into: Russia, Belarus or North Korea.

Here’s a great visual from Chesno.org, depicting all of the consequences of the harsh new anti-protest legislation for Ukrainians:

dictatorship-en

 

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